Republicans' attempt
this week to repeal and replace ObamaCare in the Senate is supposed to
be their last shot.
Maybe.
The effort looks bleak right now as the Senate careens toward a Sept. 30
deadline to try to rip out the 2010 health care law and replace it with
a plan engineered by GOP Sens. Lindsey Graham, South Carolina, and Bill
Cassidy, Louisiana.
They retooled their blueprint over the weekend by bolstering funding for
Alaska and Maine to court the states’ respective GOP senators, Lisa
Murkowski and Susan Collins, who each have expressed skepticism about
the bill but aren’t hard noes yet.
The legislation largely sends health care dollars to states as “block
grants,” permitting states to use the money as they see fit.
It’s doubtful the Senate will this week have a complete analysis of the
legislation from the Congressional Budget Office.
Graham-Cassidy supporters argue the nonpartisan CBO already “scored”
many provisions in their legislation -- just not together. However, some
partial analysis is expected Monday that could merely be a letter about
the bill without tables and detailed dissection.
Supporters will argue that’s enough economic-impact analysis to hold a
full vote before the Sept. 30 deadline to pass the bill with a simple,
51-vote majority. Critics argue the process is too incomplete to vote on
such major legislation.
Then there is the math.
The Senate breakdown is 52 Republicans and 48 senators who caucus with
the Democrats.
GOP Sens. Rand Paul, Kentucky, and John McCain, Arizona, said last week
that they won’t vote for the bill. That meant the bill was on life
support with a potential maximum of 50 GOP yeas. The thought was that
Vice President Pence could break a possible tie. Then Sen. Ted Cruz,
R-Texas, on Sunday announced his opposition.
“They don’t have my vote,” said Cruz, who suggested fellow Republican
Sen. Mike Lee will also vote no.
Excluding Murkowski, Collins and Lee, there are 51 nays on the bill.
That’s makes the bill an immovable object unless something dramatic
changes.
Expect GOP leaders and White House officials to administer a full-court
press this week as the parliamentary carriage carting the health care
bill turns into a pumpkin at 11:59:59 p.m. ET on Sept. 30.
Here’s where things get tricky.
With only 52 Senate Republicans, GOP leaders knew they didn’t have a
chance of neutering a Democratic filibuster on any repeal and replace
effort. Under most conditions, it takes 60 yeas to shut off a
filibuster.
But once a year, the Senate can sidestep filibuster rules and consider
legislation under a process called “budget reconciliation.” Budget
reconciliation limits debate to 20 hours and requires only 51 votes to
pass a bill.
Budget reconciliation packages are ostensibly good for only one fiscal
year. The government’s fiscal year runs out Saturday night, or Sept. 30,
and so does the reconciliation measure for health care. Thus, this
week’s health care sprint.
It’s unclear whether Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky.,
would forge ahead this week with the Graham-Cassidy plan as a major
amendment to the budget reconciliation effort the Senate debated in
July.
Debate time on this particular reconciliation package expired, though
senators could agree to some limited debate if everyone is on board.
Endless amendments -- in addition to Graham/Cassidy -- are in order.
That could launch a “vote-a-rama” in the Senate. A vote-a-rama is where
the Senate votes for hours on end on a lengthy slate of amendments
during budget reconciliation.
Democrats could try to clog the works with so many amendments that the
clock expires Saturday night. Democrats could also submit amendments so
lengthy that it takes the Senate clerks hours to orally read each one
before the chamber.
In reality, the deadline here is sometime late on Sept. 28 or in the wee
hours of Sept. 29. The holiest day in Judaism -- Yom Kippur -- begins at
sundown on Sept. 29 and runs until after sundown on Sept. 30. Jewish
senators won’t be available for Senate work during that period.
Still, House and Senate Republicans could always craft a budget
reconciliation package for tax reform with provisions that also allow
for a repeal and replacement of ObamaCare. After all, tax reform is next
in line and a budget reconciliation vehicle is essential for that goal,
too. Such a ploy would mean that Sept. 30 isn’t the absolute deadline
for repealing and replacing ObamaCare.
If the future of the health care bill is cloudy in the Senate, it’s even
murkier in the House.
Let’s say for a moment the Senate does approve Graham-Cassidy. The House
and Senate aren’t in alignment as both bodies adopted different health
care bills. That means if the Senate package returns to the House, the
House could be stuck with a take-it-or-leave-it proposition.
The House narrowly approved its own version of health care in May.
Graham-Cassidy is a different animal. Would California’s 14 House
Republicans vote yea?
How about GOPers from New York, New Jersey or Ohio? Graham says House
Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wis., was confident his members would muscle
through the Senate’s health care bill. But that could require a
Herculean effort.
It’s possible the House may change a Senate-approved bill. An altered
bill must return to the Senate.
Any changes to the Senate bill by the House would be subject to a
filibuster. An amended bill would require 60 votes to halt a filibuster.
That’s never going to happen under these circumstances. But if this bill
has any chance of becoming law, House Republicans will likely have to
accept whatever the Senate sends over. |
|